![]() Still, anti-Immortal Regiment activists might have been in a stronger position under the late President Islam Karimov, who nurtured a palpable unease with vocal commemoration of World War II, in part on the grounds that it bound Uzbekistan symbolically to its Soviet past. Instead of black-and-orange ribbons, people in Uzbekistan mark the May 9 holiday with the colors of the Uzbek national flag. The Saint George's ribbon has also been adopted as a symbol by Russian-backed separatists in eastern Ukraine, adding more ammunition to those who see it as a subterfuge method by Moscow to promote its highly politicized use of World War II memorialization. At the other end of the same spectrum, critics of the ribbon argue that the colors are a mark of distinction to be worn by military heroes who distinguished themselves in battle, not just regular members of the public. Among the early notable recipients of the order were Russian colonial warriors like Alexander Suvorov and Mikhail Kutuzov. The pattern is a throwback to the Order of Saint George, which was established in the 18th century by Empress Catherine the Great. The reason that ribbon provokes heated sentiments are manifold. Last year, Nazirov and Tozhialiyev appealed to the Interior Ministry and the city administration to ban people from handing out the black-and-orange Saint George's ribbons that are widely worn as a commemorative symbols around this time of year. These are symbols of colonialism and the enslavers of the Uzbek people,” Tozhialiyev told Eurasianet. They come out to the event with Saint George's ribbons and portraits of Stalin. You cannot memorialize the dead by singing Katyusha. “In Uzbekistan, May 9 is not Victory Day but the Day of Memory and Honor. That group is headed by political analyst Anvar Nazirov and journalist Davronbek Tozhialiyev, who have said they are unsettled by some of the symbolism adopted at the march. We had calculated that around 3,000 Tashkent residents might take part in the event,” Mollah told Eurasianet.ĭespite an official injunction against the march in 2016, around 200 people in the city nonetheless took the risk of holding the event, without any apparent adverse consequences.īut there is also a movement of people opposed to the Immortal Regiment. And so they cannot provide security for the Immortal Regiment event. “The mayor’s office says that on May 9 all the city police will be deployed at various events. ![]() The main promoter of the Immortal Regiment in Tashkent this year is a 19-year-old student called Amir Mollah. The main reason is presumed to be the government’s dislike of the idea of independently organized assemblies by the general public, but there is a political aspect to the reluctance as well. The largest event has typically occurred in Moscow, but smaller similar marches have taken place all over Russia and in many other countries.īut Uzbek authorities have resisted hosting the country's own version of the march for the third year running. Participants in the event hold up picture portraits of those who fought in the war and march in a mass gesture of commemoration. The Immortal March is a relatively recent tradition that appeared in Russia and is now eagerly promoted by the Kremlin. Instead of processions, the day is mainly marked with visits to surviving World War II veterans. In Uzbekistan, the holiday is celebrated as the Day of Memory and Honor. The mayor’s office in the capital of Uzbekistan has risked drawing the ire of some veterans by denying permission for an Immortal Regiment march during this year’s May 9 World War II victory celebrations. A crowd holding an unauthorized Immortal Regiment march in Tashkent in 2016.
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